The elections in Israel 2019-2021 / / edited by Michal Shamir and Gideon Rahat.

• Superior document: Routledge Elections in Israel Ser.
• TeilnehmendeR: Shamir, Michal, 1951-; Rahaṭ, Gidʻon,
• Place / Publishing House: London, England ;, New York, New York : : Routledge,, [2023]; ©2023
• Year of Publication: 2023
• Language: English
• Series: Routledge Elections in Israel Ser.
• Physical Description: 1 online resource (307 pages)

This chapter examines the social dynamics of projections about the outcomes and implications of the repeated elections in Israel. Based on a combination of a panel survey and focus groups, we analyze citizens’ evolving predictions regarding the expected largest party, the next prime minister, the co...

Table of Contents

• Cover
• Endorsement
• Half Title
• Series Information
• Title Page
• Copyright Page
• Table of Contents
• Contributors
• Acknowledgments
• Introduction
• 1 Four Elections in Two Years: A Unique Crisis Or a Sign of Things to Come?
• 1.1 Introduction
• 1.2 Explanations for the Crisis: Why Were Four Elections Held in Two Years?
• 1.3 Participation, Competition, and Voting in the Four Elections
• 1.4 Party Decline, Personalization, and the Party System
• 1.5 Institutional Reform: The Rotation Government and the "Norwegian Law"
• 1.6 The 2019-2021 Elections and the Crisis of Democracy in Israel
• 1.7 Conclusion
• Notes
• References
• 2 The Four Elections 2019-2021: A Chronological Overview
• 2.1 The Elections to the 21st Knesset, April 9, 2019
• 2.2 The Elections to the 22nd Knesset, September 17, 2019
• 2.3 The Elections to the 23rd Knesset, March 2, 2020
• 2.4 The Elections to the 24th Knesset, March 23, 2021
• Notes
• References
• Part 1 Personalization in the Israeli "Parteienstaat"
• 3 Personalization and Personalism in the 2019-2021 Elections: Another Climax of Personal Politics?
• 3.1 Conceptualization, Research Question, and Hypothesis
• 3.2 Methodology
• 3.2.1 The Institutional Arena
• 3.2.2 The Media Arena
• 3.2.3 The Behavioral Arena
• 3.3 Findings: A New Highpoint in Personal Politics
• 3.3.1 Institutional Personalization and Personalism
• 3.3.2 Personalism in the Media
• 3.3.3 Behavioral Personalization and Personalism
• 3.4 Summary and Conclusions
• Notes
• References
• 4 King Bibi: The Personification of Democratic Values in the 2019-2021 Election Cycle
• 4.1 Introduction
• 4.2 Public Support for Democracy - Israel From a Global Perspective
• 4.3 Personification of Democratic Values
• 4.4 Hypotheses
• 4.5 Data and Measurement
• 4.6 Analysis.
• 4.6.1 Democratic Values in the 2019-2021 Election Cycle
• 4.6.2 Personification of Democratic Values
• 4.7 Conclusion
• Notes
• 5 A Populist Leader Under Neoliberal Logic
• 5.1 Generational Change in Israel's Right Wing
• 5.2 A Decline of the Old Statism and the Rise of Neoliberal Logic
• 5.3 The 2019-2021 Elections
• 5.3.1 Netanyahu's Claim, and How He Made His Case
• 5.3.2 Populism and Neoliberalism in the Service of Netanyahu
• 5.3.3 "Us and Them"
• 5.3.4 Identity Politics in the Service of Netanyahu's Populism
• 5.3.5 "Sour [Pickles] Theory" as a Leadership Principle
• 5.3.6 The Fourth Campaign as a Continuation of the Populist Pattern Under Neoliberal Logic
• 5.4 Instead of a Summary: Hobbes, Locke, Netanyahu, and Israeli Society
• 5.5 Epilogue
• Notes
• References
• 6 Netanyahu and the Very Short History of the "Right-Wing Bloc"
• 6.1 Conceptual Framework: Support for a Defendant and the Nexus of Democracy, Populism, and Political Economy
• 6.2 Netanyahu and the Legal System: Statist (Mamlachtit) Rhetoric and an Ambivalent Attitude Toward the Courts
• 6.3 The Cases Against Netanyahu
• 6.4 The Cases Against Netanyahu, the Election Campaigns, and the Formation of the Right-Wing-Religious Bloc: The Objections to the Trial as a Battle "For Democracy"
• 6.4.1 Toward the April 2019 Election
• 6.4.2 Toward the September 2019 Election
• 6.4.3 Toward the March 2020 Election
• 6.4.4 The Netanyahu-Gantz Government and the March 2021 Election
• 6.5 Discussion and Conclusions
• Note
• References
• 7 Public and Legal Responsibility of Senior Elected Representatives in the Executive Branch: Benjamin Netanyahu as a Case Study
• 7.1 Background
• 7.2 Public Responsibility
• 7.3 From Ginossar to Deri-Pinhasi, Rochberger-Gapso, and Netanyahu: Supreme Court Decisions On Holding Public Office Under Criminal Indictment.
• 7.3.1 High Court of Justice (HCJ) Case - Ginossar (1993)
• 7.3.2 Deri-Pinhasi Doctrine (1993)
• 7.3.3 HCJ Case - Mayors Rochberger and Gapso (2013)
• 7.3.4 Existing Law and HCJ Netanyahu (2020)
• 7.4 Parliamentary Oversight
• 7.5 The Dangers of a Sitting Prime Minister Under Criminal Indictment
• 7.6 The Ideal Law
• 7.7 Conclusions
• Notes
• References
• Part 2 Voters, Parties, and the Media
• 8 Persistent Optimism Under Political Uncertainty: The Evolution of Citizens' Election Projections During a Protracted Political Crisis
• 8.1 Political Projections: A Conceptual Framework
• 8.2 Methods
• 8.3 Evolution of the Elements of Political Projections Across the 2019-2020 Elections
• 8.3.1 Predicted State
• 8.3.2 Probability
• 8.3.3 Evaluation
• 8.3.4 Anchors
• 8.3.5 Behavioral Implications
• 8.4 The Interplay of Projection Elements: Optimistic Expectations
• 8.4.1 Expectations and Evaluations: Wishful Thinking
• 8.4.2 Probabilities and Anchors: The Bases for Optimism
• 8.4.3 Implications of Positive Expectations for Political Participation
• 8.5 Summary and Discussion
• 8.6 Epilogue: The 2021 Election
• Notes
• Methodological Appendix
• Panel Survey
• Focus Groups
• Procedure
• 9 Ethnic Demons and Class Specters: Ethnic and Class Voting in Israel Revisited
• 9.1 Ethnic Class Or Ideological Voting
• 9.2 Ethnic Voting in Israel: Review and Hypotheses
• 9.3 Data and Method
• 9.4 Analysis and Findings
• 9.5 Conclusion
• Notes
• References
• 10 Joint Lists in Israeli Politics
• 10.1 Theoretical and Comparative Background
• 10.1.1 Pre-Electoral Coalitions
• 10.1.2 Factors Contributing to the Formation of Joint Lists
• 10.1.3 Implications for the Political System
• 10.2 Joint Lists in Israel - Legal, Institutional, and Historical Background
• 10.2.1 Legal Background
• 10.2.2 Institutional Rules.
• 10.2.3 Joint Lists and the Crisis of Political Parties
• 10.3 Research Questions and Hypotheses
• 10.4 An Empirical Study of Joint Lists in Israel
• 10.4.1 The Scope of the Phenomenon
• 10.4.2 Which Parties Join Or Create Joint Lists?
• 10.4.3 Stability and Continuity of Joint Lists
• 10.5 Summary of Findings
• 10.5.1 Summary
• 10.5.2 Spotlight On the 2019-2021 Elections
• 10.6 Discussion
• Notes
• References
• 11 The Arab Electorate and Parties, 2019-2021: Toward a Non-Zionist Israeli Identity?
• 11.1 Conceptual Framework
• 11.2 The Establishment of the Joint List
• 11.3 The Breakup of the Joint List and the April 2019 Election
• 11.4 The Return of the Joint List in the September 2019 and March 2020 Elections
• 11.5 Public Opinion, Voter Turnout, The Campaign and the Formation of the Rotation Government of Netanyahu and Gantz
• 11.6 The Breakup of the Joint List and the March 2021 Election
• 11.7 Discussion and Summary
• Notes
• References
• 12 Three in a (Right-Wing) Boat: Media, Politicians, and the Public in the Age of Digital Communication
• 12.1 The Citizens: Voicing Their Priorities
• 12.2 The Media: Tuned to the Citizens
• 12.3 Politicians: Even More Tuned to the Citizens
• 12.4 Issue Agendas in Israeli Politics
• 12.5 Method
• 12.5.1 Media Agenda
• 12.5.2 Public Agenda
• 12.5.3 Politicians' Agenda
• 12.6 Results
• 12.6.1 Issue Congruence Across the Three Actors
• 12.6.2 Trends in Issue Priorities Across the Four Elections
• 12.7 Discussion
• Notes
• References
• Index.