Vertrauen und Politik im Alltag : : die Arbeiterbewegung in Leipzig und Lyon im Moment der Krise 1929-1933/38 / / Joachim C. Haberlen.
Why was the German working-class movement struggling against the rise of National-Socialism so easily defeated, whereas the French working-class movement, which was numerically and organizationally much weaker than its German counterpart, succeeded in mobilizing hundreds of thousands of workers agai...
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Superior document: | Kritische Studien zur Geschichtswissenschaft ; Bd. 210 |
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Year of Publication: | 2013 |
Edition: | 1st ed. |
Language: | German |
Series: | Kritische Studien zur Geschichtswissenschaft ;
Bd. 210. |
Physical Description: | 1 online resource (369 p.) |
Notes: | Description based upon print version of record. |
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100 | 1 | |a Haberlen, Joachim C. | |
245 | 1 | 0 | |a Vertrauen und Politik im Alltag : |b die Arbeiterbewegung in Leipzig und Lyon im Moment der Krise 1929-1933/38 / |c Joachim C. Haberlen. |
250 | |a 1st ed. | ||
260 | |a Gottingen : |b Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, |c 2013. | ||
300 | |a 1 online resource (369 p.) | ||
336 | |a text |b txt | ||
337 | |a computer |b c | ||
338 | |a online resource |b cr | ||
490 | 1 | |a Kritische Studien zur Geschichtswissenschaft ; |v Bd. 210 | |
500 | |a Description based upon print version of record. | ||
505 | 0 | |a Cover; Title Page; Copyright; Table of Contents; Body; Einleitung; Teil I Misstrauen und politische Feindschaft im Alltag. Die Arbeiterbewegung Leipzig, 1929-1933; 1. Politische Gewalt in Arbeitervierteln; 1.1 Gewaltsame Politik und politisierte Gewalt; 1.2 Akteure und Situationen der Gewalt; 1.3 »Die Rote Epa-Ecke ist unser!« - Territoriale Gewalt; 1.4 Harte Proletarierfäuste oder Primitive Blutrache; 2. Politik als Belästigung im Alltag; 2.1 Familien und Nachbarschaften; 2.2 Politik und Arbeitervereine; 2.3 Beziehungen am Arbeitsplatz und Politik; 2.4 Politisierte öffentliche Wohlfahrt | |
505 | 8 | |a 3. Misstrauen und frustrierende Politik3.1 Oppositionelle Sozialdemokraten und Kommunistische Spitzel; 3.2 Denunziationen und die Formierung der lokalen Arbeiterklasse; 3.3 Misstrauen, Autonomie und Passivität: Die KPD in Leipzig; Epilog: Die Zerstörung der Arbeiterbewegung in Leipzig; Teil II Politisierung, Aufstieg und Zerfall. Die Arbeiterbewegung in Lyon, 1929-1938; 4. Autonomie und Politik vor 1934; 4.1 Das Cartel Autonome du Bâtiment; 4.2 Streikbewegungen im Baugewerbe und anderswo; 4.3 Autonomie oder Politik: Der Konflikt zwischen Cartel und CGTU | |
505 | 8 | |a 4.4 Politik und politischer Alltag in der Arbeiterbewegung Lyons5. Krise und Aufstieg der Volksfront; 5.1 Der Weg zur Einheit in Lyon; 5.2 Die Wirtschaftskrise und ihre Folgen in Lyon; 5.3 Niedergang des Cartels und Aufstieg der Kommunistischen Partei; 5.4 Die Sommerstreiks 1936 in Lyon; 6. Der Niedergang der Volksfront; 6.1 Die Gegenoffensive der Rechten; 6.2 Der Zerfall der Volksfront; 6.3 Die Internationale Situation in lokalen Rahmen Lyons; 6.4 Der gescheiterte Bauarbeiterstreik im Herbst 1938; Schlussbetrachtung; Danksagung; Abkürzungen; Quellen- und Literaturverzeichnis; Register | |
505 | 8 | |a PersonenregisterOrts- und Sachregister; Back Cover | |
546 | |a German | ||
520 | |a Why was the German working-class movement struggling against the rise of National-Socialism so easily defeated, whereas the French working-class movement, which was numerically and organizationally much weaker than its German counterpart, succeeded in mobilizing hundreds of thousands of workers against the radical right at the moment of a »fascist threat«? To answer this question, Joachim C. Häberlen's study investigates the social and political practices within the working-class movement in Leipzig and Lyon at the end of the Weimar Republic and, respectively, the Third French Republic. At the core of the study are the role of trust and distrust in social and political movements, and the ambivalent consequences of the politicization of the working-class movement within its local context. The study draws on a broad variety of primary sources from archives in Leipzig, Berlin, Lyon, Paris, and elsewhere. Informed by everyday historical approaches, it creates a lively and multifaceted image of workers' lives and grassroots politics in both cities. The comparative approach results in a careful analysis that identifies major differences that help explain the different outcomes of the working-class movement's struggles. Leipzig's working-class movement, the study shows, was characterized by a deep-seated distrust, which was a major impediment for a successful mobilization against the Nazis. Furthermore, the politicization of the local working-class movement not only reproduced the conflicts between Social Democrats and Communists at the rank-and-file level, but also turned politics into a »nuisance« that made many workers turn away from politics altogether. In Lyon, by contrast, workers succeeded in overcoming existing distrust. In addition, the politicization of the working-class movement during the rise of the Popular Front (1934-36) had, at first, an integrative function. Yet, soon enough the overburdening of social practices like strikes with political meaning contributed to the decline of the Popular Front. | ||
545 | 0 | |8 1\u |a Dr. Joachim C. Häberlen ist Assistant Professor of Modern Continental European History an der University of Warwick. | |
502 | |b Doctoral Thesis |c University of Chicago |d 2011 | ||
504 | |a Includes bibliographical references and indexes. | ||
650 | 0 | |a Labor movement |z Germany |z Leipzig |x History. | |
650 | 0 | |a Labor movement |z France |z Lyon |x History. | |
651 | 0 | |a Germany |x History |y 1918-1933. | |
651 | 0 | |a Germany |x History |y 1933-1945. | |
776 | |z 3-525-37028-8 | ||
830 | 0 | |a Kritische Studien zur Geschichtswissenschaft ; |v Bd. 210. | |
906 | |a BOOK | ||
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